For an assessment and contrast of nonsouthern lynching and southern lynching, see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.

For an assessment and contrast of nonsouthern lynching and southern lynching, see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.

For the view that the western had not been especially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (ny, 1968).

For a characterization of that debate a few years later on, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but using the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier had been violent, however in particular means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence in the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide rates in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the American West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation regarding the reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching heritage; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in Free Kansas’: Racist Violence, Black and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, while the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, in addition to Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with the Central Plains, 33 (Summer 2010), 94–115. On mob violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and Arkansas that is northwest Kimberly Harper, White Man’s Heaven: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For a example of mob physical physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: an account of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and northeastern lynchings, see “Appendix: Lynchings when you look at the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a current evaluation of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. For an interpretation of females and kids in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and society into the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.

On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching as well as the Privileges of Race within the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Clearly simply simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, just exactly What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory within the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the current interpretation of racial physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, additionally the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of slave and free African Americans in the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the treatment that is synthetic of in US history that features conversation of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).

Nationwide Association when it comes to development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in america. On methodological issues with lynching data, especially when it comes to regions away from Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging to a nationwide Lynching Database: Recent Developments, ” Historical Methods, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence when you look at the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I actually do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant because they are, may outweigh the many benefits of counting lynchings that are american.

On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical violence in a worldwide context, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. In the community that is norwegian collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their household in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective violence in structural terms across international cultures, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a worldwide Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.

When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching within the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in contemporary Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as an essential episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of recent Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in present years over the diverse areas of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).

Author records

I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, and a reviewer that is anonymous their commentary on a youthful form of this essay.